PMC:7796329 / 45198-65133 JSONTXT

{"target":"https://pubannotation.org/docs/sourcedb/PMC/sourceid/7796329","sourcedb":"PMC","sourceid":"7796329","source_url":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/7796329","text":"4. Analysis and Findings\n\n4.1. Descriptive Analysis\nA simple frequency analysis of the items measuring conspiracy theories is shown in Figure 1. The statement “Politicians do not honestly reveal their true intentions to the public regarding their decisions on coronavirus disease (COVID-19)” has the most support. This result suggests that political distrust plays an important role in the spread of conspiracy theories because politicians are included in that measure. The second item with a high agreement rate is “there is a secret organization that greatly influences political decisions.” This result also indicates the influence of politics in the spread of conspiracy theories because this item concerns politics as well. Next, 18.3% and 17.9% of respondents support “the government is hiding something from the public,” and “the government is always monitoring the public.” Both statements are related to the government. However, 41.0% and 42.1% of respondents disagree with these statements, which implies that most people do not believe government-related conspiracy theories. Additionally, 12.8% of respondents agree with “certain powerful nations deliberately created the coronavirus (COVID-19) to dominate the world,” which suggests the existence of conspiracies at the international level. However, 52.2% of respondents disagree with this statement. In addition, only 8.0% agree and 63.5% disagree with the statement “coronavirus disease (COVID-19) was deliberately created by pharmaceutical companies to make money.”\nThe simple frequency analysis shows, first, that although a fairly large number of respondents disagree with conspiracy theories, some people do believe them. Second, the degree of belief in a conspiracy theory depends on the main subject of the theory. For example, respondents are most likely to believe conspiracy theories related to politicians and least likely to believe conspiracy theories related to doctors. Third, a significant proportion of respondents expresses neutral attitudes, that is, “neither agree nor disagree.” The highest proportion of neutral responses is 40.7%, and the lowest is 28.6%. The findings implies that many people may believe in conspiracy theories, even if they are explicitly expressed.\nDifferences in beliefs in conspiracy theories are analyzed across different groups as shows in Figure 2. Excluding the categorical variables, we divide the respondents into two or more groups based on the average values of items measured on a five-point scale. Generally, the higher group includes respondents with scores above the average value, whereas the lower group includes respondents with scores below the average value.\nFirst, in terms of political factors, the group with high authoritarianism scores has stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories than the group with low authoritarianism scores, and this difference is statistically significant (F-value = 4.533, p-value = 0.033). Ideologically, conservatives have stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories than progressives do, which supports the results of Hart and Graether [29]; this difference is also statistically significant (F-value = 14.635, p-value = 0.000). The degree of belief in conspiracy theories varies depending on whether the respondent supports Moon’s government. Beliefs in conspiracy theories are stronger among the group that does not support Moon’s current government (F-value = 150.362, p-value = 0.000). These results confirm those of Uscinski and Parent [20]. Additionally, supporters of the current ruling Democratic Party do not tend to believe conspiracy theories (F-value = 17.904, p-value = 0.000). The group with a higher degree of religiosity indicates stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories than the lower group does (F-value = 3.511, p-value = 0.061). Buddhists tend to have the strongest beliefs in conspiracy theories, followed by Christians, non-religious people, and Catholics. Buddhists may have stronger beliefs in conspiracies because the majority of them are conservative elderly. However, the differences between these groups are not statistically significant (F-value = 1.086, p = 0.354).\nAmong the trust variables, individuals with lower trust in the government exhibit stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories than those with higher trust (F-value = 124.413, p-value = 0.000). However, trust in doctors is not significantly associated with beliefs in conspiracy theories (F-value = 2.207, p-value = 0.138). The group with higher trust in SNS has stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories than the group with low trust (F-value = 15.019, p-value = 0.000). Higher trust in the general public is significantly associated with weaker beliefs in conspiracy theories (F-value = 31.972, p-value = 0.000). Among the four trust groups, the classification based on trust in the government has the largest difference between the low and high groups. The impact of trust in the government therefore seems to be very large.\nWhen the groups are defined according to psychological variables, all of the differences are statistically significant. First, the group with high risk perception has a higher level of trust in conspiracy theories than the group with low risk perception (F-value = 92.182, p-value = 0.000). The groups with higher anxiety (F-value = 92.182, p-value = 0.000) and negative emotions (F-value = 61.314, p-value = 0.000) also have stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories than the corresponding lower groups. The groups with lower perceived control (F-value = 52.502, p-value = 0.000) and analytic thinking (F-value = 28.828, p-value = 0.000) have stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories than the corresponding higher groups. Those who exhibit more external blame attribution by assigning responsibility for problems to others, express stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories (F-value = 9.49, p-value = 0.002).\nAmong the structural factors, lower education levels are associated with stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories, but the difference is not statistically significant (F-value = 0.922, p-value = 0.337). Beliefs in conspiracy theories are high among households with incomes below 300 million won and are relatively lower in the two groups with incomes of 300 million won or more (F-value = 3.368, p-value = 0.035). The more knowledgeable the respondents are and the better their quality of information is, the lower their beliefs in conspiracy theories (knowledge, F-value = 7.905, p-value = 0.005; quality of information; F-value = 211.000, p-value = 0.000). In particular, the wide gap in groups with the high and low information suggests that the quality of information is very important. Notably, differences in the amount of information are not associated with any difference in conspiracy beliefs (F-value = 0.916, p-value = 0.339). This result suggests that the quality of information is more important than the quantity of information. Health status has no significant effect (F-value = 0.027, p-value = 0.870), whereas the change in health status (worse) after COVID-19 does have a significant effect (F-value = 127.523, p-value = 0.000). These results show that health changes according to variations in context are more important than everyday health status. Finally, neither gender nor age has a statistically significant impact (gender, F-value = 0.422, p-value = 0.516; age, F-value = 0.695, p-value = 0.596).\n\n4.2. Correlation Analysis\nWe use Pearson’s simple correlations to examine the simple relationships between variables, and the results are shown in Table 2. Categorical variables, such as religion type and party type, are excluded from this analysis. For variables that are measured on a five-point Likert scale, we take the average values of multiple measures to create composite variables.\nFirst, we investigate the relationship between belief in conspiracy theories and political factors. Conspiracy beliefs are positively related to authoritarianism, religiosity, and trust in SNS, whereas they are negatively related to ideology, support for Moon’s government, trust in the government, and trust in people. Authoritarianism and religion have no statistically significant relationships.\nFrom a theoretical point of view, the finding that progressives do not believe conspiracy theories supports the results of previous studies [29]. The fact that trust in conspiracy theories is not high when support for Moon’s government is strong implies that conspiracy theories are more popular among political losers. The correlation coefficient of trust in doctors is interesting; Trust in doctors has no significant relationship with conspiracy theories. This finding is unexpected, as doctors play an important role in COVID-19.\nBeliefs in conspiracy theories depend on the type of trust. Trust in the government and trust in the general public weaken conspiracy beliefs, whereas trust in SNS strengthens them. It can be inferred that conspiracy theories spread online and that online trust is contrary to the offline trust structure. Correlation coefficients of trust in the government is the largest, indicating the importance of the government’s role in handling the COVID-19 pandemic. Among the political variables, support for Moon’s government and trust in the government have large correlation coefficients, which also indicate that the government plays a significant role in a pandemic.\nAmong the psychological factors, beliefs in conspiracy theories are positively related to perceived risk, anxiety, negative emotions, and blame attribution whereas are negatively related to perceived sense of control and analytic thinking. Perceived risk, anxiety, and emotions may be byproducts of a negative effect. Thus, it is important to reduce people’s negative and pessimistic thinking during the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, it is noteworthy that negative emotions and analytic thinking have opposite relations with beliefs in conspiracy theories. This opposition demonstrates the typical contradictory roles of emotion and reason. In addition, analytic thinking and blame attribution are related to modes of thinking and logic. This result therefore suggests that it is necessary to perform an in-depth dissection of the general public’s mode of thinking under COVID-19. The psychological variable with the largest coefficient is negative emotions, suggesting the importance of emotional thinking during the COVID-19 pandemic.\nRegarding structural factors, which mainly include sociodemographic variables, beliefs in conspiracy theories are positively related to health status after COVID-19 and are negatively related to income, knowledge, and the quality of information. The quality of information has the largest correlation, suggesting that high-quality information can help to reduce beliefs in conspiracy theories. The significant roles of both knowledge and information quality attest to the importance of literacy in enlightening the public. The fact that health status has no statistically significant correlation but a negative change in health status after COVID-19 has a significant correlation suggests that the change in health after COVID-19 is more important than the usual health status. The results that education level, gender, and age have no significant effects differ from previous findings [29,48].\nAmong all variables, the quality of information has the largest correlation coefficients, followed by trust in the government, support for Moon’s government, and negative emotions. These variables belong to the political, psychological, and structural factors, suggesting that beliefs in conspiracy theories depend on various factors rather than on one specific factor.\n\n4.3. Regression Analysis\nTo examine the determinants of beliefs in conspiracy theories, we conduct a regression analysis with beliefs in conspiracy theories as the dependent variable and political, psychological, and structural factors as independent variables. Some of the independent variables are dummy variables. For these variables, the reference groups are the middle group in the cases of ideology, the non-partisan group in party supported, the non-religious group in religion, the group with income below 5 million won in income, the group with less than a college degree in education, and the male in gender, respectively. The regression analysis is carried out separately for each of the three factors, and the results are shown as Models 1, 2, and 3 in Table 3.\nIn Model 1, the political variables, authoritarianism, religiosity, and trust in SNS, positively influence beliefs in conspiracy theories. Conversely, support for the current the President Moon’s government, Christianity, trust in the government, and trust in people, all have negative effects. Ideology and partisan support do not have significant influences. For the religion variables, religiosity has a statistically significant effect whereas Christianity negatively influences beliefs in conspiracies. This suggests that not only the depth of religious belief but also the type of religion plays an important role in beliefs in conspiracy theories. In particular, it is noteworthy that the two variables play opposite roles in determining beliefs in conspiracy theories. Because some extreme Christians in Korean society disseminate conspiracy theories and oppose the current government, the result that general Christians do not believe conspiracy theories may indicate that there is a difference in conspiracy beliefs between general Christians and extreme believers. For the trust variables, the degree and direction of beliefs in conspiracy theories vary depending on the object of trust. Trust in the government and trust in people decrease beliefs in conspiracy theories, whereas trust in SNS increases them. The fact that trust in the government reduces beliefs in conspiracy theories suggests that citizens can accept the government’s active role in the response to COVID-19. In particular, the fact that trust in the government has the largest standardized regression coefficient among the trust variables suggests that the government certainly should play an active role in handling the COVID-19 pandemic. The fact that trust in SNS leads to stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories implies that that information related to conspiracy theories is common on SNS in the COVID-19 pandemic, which affects Internet users.\nIn Model 1, the coefficient of trust in the government is the largest based on standardized regression coefficient values, meaning that it has the most explanatory power, followed by support for the current government, trust in SNS, and authoritarianism. This result implies that the government’s role in the COVID-19 pandemic is important because the top two variables in terms of explanatory power are related to the government.\nIn Model 2, perceived risk, anxiety, negative emotions, and blame attribution have positive effects on beliefs in conspiracy theories, whereas perceived control has a negative effect. These results match the hypotheses. Analytic thinking negatively affects beliefs in conspiracy theories, but the relation is not statistically significant. They are all negative attributes, meaning that more larger efforts are needed to effectively decrease negative mood and perceptions in the COVID-19 pandemic. From this perspective, because an individual’s perceived sense of control is a psychological variable that plays a role in decreasing beliefs in conspiracy theories, it is necessary to strongly empower people to see the more positive sides of situations. In addition, beliefs in conspiracy theories are related to external blame attribution, in which people place responsibility for COVID-19 on other people rather than on themselves. External rather than internal blame attribution reinforces beliefs in conspiracy theories. This finding implies that an emphasis on individual responsibility in the course of the COVID-19 pandemic is important to enable people to attribute blame internally. Among the six variables in Model 2, the most influential variable is negative emotions, followed by anxiety, perceived control, and perceived risk. This result suggests that an emotional rather than a rational approach is needed to reduce beliefs in conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic.\nModel 3 shows the impacts of the structural variables on beliefs in conspiracy theories. Knowledge and the quality of information positively affect these beliefs, whereas the amount of information, health status, and worsening health status after COVID-19 have negative impacts. Education level, income, gender, and age have no statistically significant effects. The first important point is about to the roles of education and knowledge. The former does not affect beliefs in conspiracy theories, whereas the latter does affect them. These results suggest that rather than increasing formal education, a knowledge-centered approach is needed to reduce beliefs in COVID-19 conspiracy theories. Second, the quality and quantity of information perform opposite functions. The former decreases beliefs in conspiracy theories, whereas the latter increases such beliefs. This result implies that the large quantities of information available on SNS contain conspiracy theories, suggesting that high-quality information is needed to address the large quantities of information about conspiracy theories. Third, the two health variables have opposite effects. Generally, health increases beliefs in conspiracy theories, but a deterioration in health after COVID-19 leads to stronger beliefs in conspiracy theories. The information quality variable has the greatest explanatory power in Model 3, followed by health status, the quantity of information, and health status after COVID-19. The results confirm the importance of information and health.\nModel 4 shows the causal relationships when all variables are included in the regression. Most of the directions and statistical significance of the effects found by Models 1, 2, and 3 are maintained. However, there are a few differences. First, beliefs in conspiracy theories increase when respondents support other parties outside the mainstream. This result suggests that conspiracy theories may spread to minority or alternative parties rather than to mainstream or established parties. Second, trust in the general public, which has a significant effect in Model 1, has no significant effect when all variables are included. Third, analytic thinking, which has no significant effect in Model 2, now has a significant effect. This finding suggests that thinking patterns and logic can suppress beliefs in conspiracy theories. Fourth, it appears that women do not believe conspiracy theories to the extent that than men do. This finding supports existing research results [29].\nModel 4 includes all variables that affect beliefs in conspiracy theories. The variables with the largest standardized regression coefficients are the quality of information (−0.260), health status (0.154), support for Moon’s government (−0.141), perceived risk (0.128), and anxiety (0.104). These results suggest that the quality of information is very important in suppressing beliefs in conspiracy theories. In addition, the five variables belong to each political, psychological, and structural components, which suggests that a balanced approach that considers multiple variables at the same time should be used to address conspiracy theories.\nFinally, Model 4′s explanatory power for beliefs in conspiracy theories is 35.2%. Considering the large number of independent variables, its power is rather small. Thus, it is necessary to identify additional variables to increase the model’s explanatory power. The explanatory power of Model 1 is 20.8%, that of Model 2 is 17.3%, and that of Model 3 is 24.8%, suggesting that political, psychological, and structural factors are all 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