PMC:7444865 / 7095-11407 JSONTXT

{"project":"LitCovid-PMC-OGER-BB","denotations":[{"id":"T24","span":{"begin":1779,"end":1783},"obj":"CHEBI:33290;CHEBI:33290"},{"id":"T25","span":{"begin":1926,"end":1944},"obj":"GO:0019098"},{"id":"T26","span":{"begin":2158,"end":2168},"obj":"NCBITaxon:1"},{"id":"T27","span":{"begin":3502,"end":3520},"obj":"GO:0007548"},{"id":"T28","span":{"begin":3596,"end":3600},"obj":"GO:0007567"},{"id":"T30076","span":{"begin":1779,"end":1783},"obj":"CHEBI:33290;CHEBI:33290"},{"id":"T73634","span":{"begin":1926,"end":1944},"obj":"GO:0019098"},{"id":"T79752","span":{"begin":2158,"end":2168},"obj":"NCBITaxon:1"},{"id":"T66966","span":{"begin":3502,"end":3520},"obj":"GO:0007548"},{"id":"T83865","span":{"begin":3596,"end":3600},"obj":"GO:0007567"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-PD-FMA-UBERON","denotations":[{"id":"T1","span":{"begin":3052,"end":3058},"obj":"Body_part"},{"id":"T2","span":{"begin":3095,"end":3101},"obj":"Body_part"},{"id":"T3","span":{"begin":3332,"end":3338},"obj":"Body_part"},{"id":"T4","span":{"begin":3364,"end":3370},"obj":"Body_part"},{"id":"T5","span":{"begin":3419,"end":3425},"obj":"Body_part"},{"id":"T6","span":{"begin":3989,"end":3997},"obj":"Body_part"}],"attributes":[{"id":"A1","pred":"fma_id","subj":"T1","obj":"http://purl.org/sig/ont/fma/fma264279"},{"id":"A2","pred":"fma_id","subj":"T2","obj":"http://purl.org/sig/ont/fma/fma264279"},{"id":"A3","pred":"fma_id","subj":"T3","obj":"http://purl.org/sig/ont/fma/fma264279"},{"id":"A4","pred":"fma_id","subj":"T4","obj":"http://purl.org/sig/ont/fma/fma264279"},{"id":"A5","pred":"fma_id","subj":"T5","obj":"http://purl.org/sig/ont/fma/fma264279"},{"id":"A6","pred":"fma_id","subj":"T6","obj":"http://purl.org/sig/ont/fma/fma14542"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-PD-UBERON","denotations":[{"id":"T1","span":{"begin":2777,"end":2783},"obj":"Body_part"},{"id":"T2","span":{"begin":2819,"end":2824},"obj":"Body_part"}],"attributes":[{"id":"A1","pred":"uberon_id","subj":"T1","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/UBERON_0002542"},{"id":"A2","pred":"uberon_id","subj":"T2","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/UBERON_0002542"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-PD-MONDO","denotations":[{"id":"T5","span":{"begin":3114,"end":3124},"obj":"Disease"},{"id":"T6","span":{"begin":3129,"end":3136},"obj":"Disease"}],"attributes":[{"id":"A5","pred":"mondo_id","subj":"T5","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/MONDO_0002050"},{"id":"A6","pred":"mondo_id","subj":"T6","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/MONDO_0005618"},{"id":"A7","pred":"mondo_id","subj":"T6","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/MONDO_0011918"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-PD-CLO","denotations":[{"id":"T32","span":{"begin":45,"end":46},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T33","span":{"begin":276,"end":277},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T34","span":{"begin":651,"end":652},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T35","span":{"begin":846,"end":847},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T36","span":{"begin":895,"end":896},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T37","span":{"begin":1005,"end":1008},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0051582"},{"id":"T38","span":{"begin":1062,"end":1063},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T39","span":{"begin":1074,"end":1075},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T40","span":{"begin":1093,"end":1094},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T41","span":{"begin":1370,"end":1375},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0009985"},{"id":"T42","span":{"begin":1604,"end":1605},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T43","span":{"begin":2100,"end":2101},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T44","span":{"begin":2611,"end":2612},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T45","span":{"begin":2623,"end":2624},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T46","span":{"begin":2826,"end":2828},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0050507"},{"id":"T47","span":{"begin":2961,"end":2969},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001658"},{"id":"T48","span":{"begin":3020,"end":3030},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001658"},{"id":"T49","span":{"begin":3646,"end":3656},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/OBI_0000968"},{"id":"T50","span":{"begin":3665,"end":3671},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/UBERON_0000473"},{"id":"T51","span":{"begin":3678,"end":3679},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T52","span":{"begin":3732,"end":3734},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0053733"},{"id":"T53","span":{"begin":3796,"end":3797},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0001020"},{"id":"T54","span":{"begin":4113,"end":4118},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0009985"},{"id":"T55","span":{"begin":4150,"end":4155},"obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CLO_0009985"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-PD-CHEBI","denotations":[{"id":"T3","span":{"begin":1376,"end":1381},"obj":"Chemical"}],"attributes":[{"id":"A3","pred":"chebi_id","subj":"T3","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/CHEBI_24433"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-PD-HP","denotations":[{"id":"T1","span":{"begin":3114,"end":3124},"obj":"Phenotype"},{"id":"T2","span":{"begin":3129,"end":3136},"obj":"Phenotype"}],"attributes":[{"id":"A1","pred":"hp_id","subj":"T1","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/HP_0000716"},{"id":"A2","pred":"hp_id","subj":"T2","obj":"http://purl.obolibrary.org/obo/HP_0000739"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-PubTator","denotations":[{"id":"50","span":{"begin":1382,"end":1394},"obj":"Species"},{"id":"51","span":{"begin":556,"end":562},"obj":"Disease"},{"id":"53","span":{"begin":1657,"end":1663},"obj":"Disease"},{"id":"58","span":{"begin":3625,"end":3628},"obj":"Gene"},{"id":"59","span":{"begin":3156,"end":3163},"obj":"Species"},{"id":"60","span":{"begin":3114,"end":3124},"obj":"Disease"},{"id":"61","span":{"begin":3129,"end":3136},"obj":"Disease"},{"id":"63","span":{"begin":3858,"end":3861},"obj":"Gene"}],"attributes":[{"id":"A50","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"50","obj":"Tax:9606"},{"id":"A51","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"51","obj":"MESH:D006323"},{"id":"A53","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"53","obj":"MESH:D006323"},{"id":"A58","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"58","obj":"Gene:1613"},{"id":"A59","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"59","obj":"Tax:9606"},{"id":"A60","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"60","obj":"MESH:D000275"},{"id":"A61","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"61","obj":"MESH:D001007"},{"id":"A63","pred":"tao:has_database_id","subj":"63","obj":"Gene:1613"}],"namespaces":[{"prefix":"Tax","uri":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/taxonomy/"},{"prefix":"MESH","uri":"https://id.nlm.nih.gov/mesh/"},{"prefix":"Gene","uri":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/gene/"},{"prefix":"CVCL","uri":"https://web.expasy.org/cellosaurus/CVCL_"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"LitCovid-sentences","denotations":[{"id":"T53","span":{"begin":0,"end":8},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T54","span":{"begin":9,"end":207},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T55","span":{"begin":208,"end":380},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T56","span":{"begin":381,"end":919},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T57","span":{"begin":920,"end":1126},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T58","span":{"begin":1127,"end":1231},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T59","span":{"begin":1232,"end":1537},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T60","span":{"begin":1538,"end":1803},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T61","span":{"begin":1804,"end":1966},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T62","span":{"begin":1967,"end":2191},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T63","span":{"begin":2192,"end":2450},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T64","span":{"begin":2451,"end":2635},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T65","span":{"begin":2636,"end":2888},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T66","span":{"begin":2889,"end":3190},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T67","span":{"begin":3191,"end":3438},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T68","span":{"begin":3439,"end":3634},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T69","span":{"begin":3635,"end":3736},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T70","span":{"begin":3737,"end":3923},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T71","span":{"begin":3924,"end":4000},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T72","span":{"begin":4001,"end":4145},"obj":"Sentence"},{"id":"T73","span":{"begin":4146,"end":4312},"obj":"Sentence"}],"namespaces":[{"prefix":"_base","uri":"http://pubannotation.org/ontology/tao.owl#"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}

{"project":"2_test","denotations":[{"id":"32839897-28323470-64552230","span":{"begin":372,"end":374},"obj":"28323470"},{"id":"32839897-20195782-64552231","span":{"begin":2826,"end":2828},"obj":"20195782"},{"id":"32839897-28784309-64552232","span":{"begin":2884,"end":2886},"obj":"28784309"},{"id":"32839897-20633738-64552233","span":{"begin":3186,"end":3188},"obj":"20633738"}],"text":"Measures\nNovel measures of stressors such as a range of negative encounters with the police and assessments of whether those encounters were necessary were included to assess experiences of police brutality. We conceptualize police brutality not merely as the use of force by a police officer, but police action that dehumanizes the victim, even without conscious intent [19, 20]. Respondents were provided with the following examples of police actions: police cursed at respondent; police searched, frisked, or patted the respondent; police threatened to arrest the respondent; police handcuffed the respondent; police threatened the respondent with a ticket; police shoved or grabbed the respondent; police hit or kicked the respondent; police used pepper spray or another chemical on the respondent; police used an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun on the respondent, and police pointed a gun at the respondent. For each of these actions, respondents were asked whether it never happened to them, has happened about once or twice in their lives, happens a few times a year, about once a month, or happens about weekly. SHUR also assessed respondents’ evaluations of the necessity of the police actions they had experienced. They were asked: “Thinking of your most recent experience(s) with the police, would you say the action of the officer was necessary?” Our focus group participants contend that individual perceptions of the necessity of police actions are important indicators of the dehumanizing impact of police violence.\nWe also assessed the likelihood of calling the police if there is a problem, worries about potential police brutality, arrest or incarceration, and cause-specific stressors such as race-related impression management, concerns about housing, food, and medical bills. We collected data on reasons for perceived discrimination such as race, language or accent, religion, immigration status, sexual orientation, and gender identity. We also assessed spaces and perpetrators of discrimination—whether discrimination was experienced at work, school, or perpetuated by a health care provider, police or security officer, or an individual in one’s neighborhood. Other novel measures included in the survey are relational aspects of health care delivery, such as respondents’ perceptions of respect during their clinical encounter, and specifically by receptionists, nurses, medical or nursing assistants, and physicians.\nThe survey included three indicators of respondents’ sense of social exclusion, feeling like they are not trusted, often feeling left out, and not feeling like a member of a community. We also included existing measures of stressors such as discrimination using the Everyday Discrimination and the Heightened Racial Vigilance scales [21], Group-Based Medical Mistrust scale [22], and the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) module [23].\nWe included the following measures of health status: self-rated health, activity limitations (respondent limited in any way in any activities because of physical, mental, or emotional problems), self-rated mental health, and depression and anxiety using the two-item patient health questionnaire [24]. Indicators of access to care include usual source of care, health insurance, perceived unmet need for medical care, perceived unmet need for mental health care, past use of mental health services, and the probability of seeking mental health care. Sociodemographic data collected include race, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, marital status, level of education, work status, years in the USA if born outside of the USA, and zip code.\nThe survey instrument was pre-tested among a small subset of community members in Allentown (n = 11). Revisions were made, and the survey was then piloted using a convenient online sample (n = 100) with respondents from 65 zip codes across the country, majority being from the East Coast. The final version of the survey, after piloting, is presented in Appendix 1. Approval from Lehigh University’s Institutional Review Board was obtained both for the initial social exclusion focus groups and for the survey. The focus groups and survey were funded internally by Lehigh University’s Community-engaged Health Research Fellowship and the Faculty Innovation Grant, respectively."}