1. Introduction
As COVID-19 spreads, conspiracy theories are spreading internationally and within certain countries. Example conspiracies include that COVID-19 is part of a government bioweapons program, that 5G cell towers are spreading COVID-19, and that pharmaceutical companies are encouraging the spread of COVID-19 for profit [1,2]. Many conspiracy theories existed before COVID-19. For example, conspiracy theories contended that President Obama was not born in the U.S., that Sandy Hook was a hoax, that the George W. Bush Administration knew about the 9/11 plot before it happened, and that John F. Kennedy was assassinated by the Central Intelligence Agency [3]. In the U.S., national opinion polls show that nearly 90% of Americans think that Lee Harvey Oswald did not act alone in killing John F. Kennedy [4]. Stempel et al. [5] reported that nearly one-third of American respondents accepted the theory that federal officials either facilitated the September 11th attacks or did nothing to stop them so that they could wage war in the Middle East. In Korea, prior to the outbreak of COVID-19, there existed political conflicts between conservative and progressive sectors. Such conflicts have manifested as various conspiracy theories after the outbreak of COVID-19. For example, on Pen and Mike TV, a YouTuber channel, a conservative YouTuber (Jeong Gyu-jae) said, “I have doubts whether Corona 19 is actually a dangerous disease [6].” “There are 300 deaths, being less serious than cold, influenza, and pneumonia, with more than 2000 deaths. Corona 19 is only a disease of the level of a seasonal cold, and the government is using it politically [3].” Other conspiracy rumors about COVID-19 in Korea have included: (1) that a person can get infected by going somewhere (e.g., a medical institution, restaurant, etc.) where a confirmed patient had visited, (2) that eating Chinese kimchi can cause infection, (3) that a mother and daughter who were confirmed to have been infected on a trip to Jeju Island were the family of the Vice Minister of the Ministry of Public Administration and Security, (4) that a necklace that generates chlorine dioxide is effective for preventing COVID-19, and (5) that the government recommends that medical staff wear regular gowns rather than full-body protective clothes. The Korean government clarified that this fake information was not true [7]. Previously, such conspiracy theories were thought to be believed by smaller groups of people, but more recently they have been gaining attraction with the general public. Thus, Miller et al. [3] argue that most people believe at least one conspiracy theory; conspiracy theories are not solely the domain of extremists and paranoid individuals. Based on nationally representative surveys, Oliver and Wood [8] show that most Americans consistently believe some conspiratorial story about a current political event or phenomenon.
People are thought to believe conspiracy theories for several reasons. According to Douglas et al. [9], conspiracy theories help to satisfy individuals’ social-psychological motives, including epistemic (understanding one’s environment), existential (feeling safe and in control), and social (maintaining positive images of one’s self and group) motives. Related to the COVID-19 pandemic, Earnshaw et al. [2] explain that conspiracy theories satisfy people’s existential motives by helping them to feel safe in their environments. Furthermore, Miller [3] views the increase in conspiracy theories in contemporary Western culture as a result of diminishing faith in governments and argues that this process may be exacerbated by new forms of media, such as the Internet.
Understanding that conspiracy theories are necessary for several reasons. Douglas et al. [10] argue that better understanding conspiracy theories is important because they have been closely linked to prejudice, witch hunts, revolutions, and genocide across history. Conspiracy theories can foster political extremism [11]. Also, believing one conspiracy theory is linked to beliefs in other conspiracy theories. Furthermore, in the field of health behavior, Earnshaw et al. [12] suggest that beliefs in conspiracy theories undermine engagement in pro-health behaviors and support for public health policies. During the 2014 Ebola epidemic, individuals who believed conspiracy theories about Ebola expressed less support for quarantine policies [12]. Many African Americans had higher levels of conspiracy beliefs about the origin and treatment of HIV/AIDS; these beliefs were related to distrust in treatment. Stronger beliefs in conspiracies contribute to health disparities by discouraging appropriate treatment behavior and play a role in declining vaccination rates [13]. Thus, conspiracy theories have negative effects in that they cause social distrust. However, they have some positive functions as well. According to Douglas et al. [10], conspiracy theories may empower individuals to challenge dominant hierarchies and question the behavior of powerful groups.
Understanding the spread of conspiracy theories related to COVID-19 is very important for preventing the disease’s spread and facilitating future treatment and vaccination processes. Thus, this study analyzes the drivers of beliefs in conspiracy theories. Previous studies in the fields of politics, psychology, and sociology have analyzed these drivers as well. Because the existing research models have not been integrated, however, there are limitations in fully explaining previous results. Thus, this study constructs more general model from integrated perspective. This study examines how political, psychological, and social structural factors, which consists of 21 variables, impact on beliefs in conspiracy theories related to COVID-19.